Ugandan singer turned politician , known as Bobi Wine, is at the centre of a storm in the East African nation. Ssentamu has been <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-45282125">arrested and charged with treason</a> in a civilian court – shortly after a military court dropped a charge of illegal possession of firearms and released him from custody. The 36-year-old uses his politically charged songs to call for change in the country that President Yoweri Museveni has led for more than three decades. The Conversation Africa asked Jimmy Spire Ssentongo to try and make sense of what’s happening.
How would you describe the public reaction to the political crisis in Uganda?
The public reaction is mostly a mixture of anger and shock. It’s true that Museveni isn’t known to be soft on his opponents or perceived threats. Nevertheless many Ugandans didn’t expect him to stoop this low. Given Bobi Wine’s growing popularity, most people indeed expected the state to act. After all, it <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-11524243">routinely meted out retribution</a> against key opposition figure Dr Kiiza Besigye.
But it was nevertheless shocking that the state would reach the point of laughably <a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/201808170002.html">parading arms as evidence</a> against Bobi Wine for treason.
The sense of shock can also be read in the loud silence of most government officials. Just a handful are offering to be part of the collective responsibility for the international embarrassment. It has been left to the president to offer <a href="http://www.africanews.com/2018/08/23/i-don-t-have-the-power-to-free-bobi-wine-museveni-tells-ugandans//">explanations</a> on social media where he’s been more active than ever before.
The public anger needs no elaboration. It can be seen, it can be heard, it can be sensed in various expressions on social media, on the streets, in places of worship and on radio, TV, buses, taxis and in homes. It’s also clear that the state is aware of the potential for a violent public reaction to the brutality and poorly staged justification for blatant political persecution. In anticipation, there’s been a <a href="http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Army-police-deploy-ahead-Bobi-Wine-trial/688334-4724104-ayis36z/index.html">heavy deployment of police and soldiers</a>.
Since the passing of the <a href="https://ulii.org/ug/legislation/act/2015/1-6">Public Order Management Act (2013)</a>, demonstrators are treated as criminals. But in the heat of the current anger, this has not stopped people from defiantly using the limited space available.
Much of the anger has been channelled through social media. One simply needs to check the comments on the President’s <a href="https://www.facebook.com/PresidentYoweriKagutaMuseveni/">Facebook posts</a> to get a sense of the bitterness and public fury.
How serious a political challenge does Bobi Wine pose to Museveni?
This is best answered by understanding what Bobi Wine represents.
There’s a tendency to focus simplistically on Bobi Wine in terms of his moral, academic, and other experiential credentials. But this fails to place him contextually within Uganda’s political landscape.
Museveni is still popular among some section of Ugandans, who argue that in spite of his failings, he is still better than most of his seven predecessors. A lurking fear of “going back to the past” still plays in his favour. He has some achievements to show too.
But this narrative holds no sway with the younger generation, many of whom were born after 1986, the year Museveni became president.
Before entering formal politics, Bobi Wine enjoyed significant clout in the music industry. He entered the political arena through a defiant ghetto card with a relatively consistent background of politically critical music. Last year he stood for parliament, arriving on the political scene with a bang that surprised many. His <a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/201707140194.html">catch phrase</a> was:
<blockquote>Since parliament has failed to come to the ghetto, then we shall bring the ghetto to parliament.</blockquote>
The state’s panicky mistake was to react to his popular entry by openly persecuting him – initially through <a href="http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Bobi-Wine-music-shows-Police-Mukono-/688334-4144840-14drbe5z/index.html">banning his music shows</a>. Museveni showed early on that he’d noticed the young man had a following, by writing direct responses to him in the newspapers.
Then there was the ruckus in parliament over a vote to remove the age restriction on the presidency. Bobi Wine was among those who fought hard to stop it.
What seemed to draw Museveni’s attention even more was that candidates supported by Bobi Wine started to <a href="https://www.nation.co.ke/news/africa/Why-Bobi-Wine-is-a-pain-to-Museveni-and-Besigye/1066-4720342-format-xhtml-h6nat9z/index.html">beat those backed by Museveni</a> hands down.
Gradually Bobi Wine began to build a more conspicuous political identity around a very catchy slogan <a href="https://www.facebook.com/peoplepoweru/">“people power, our power”</a>, unmistakably dressing in red attire plus berets, emulating Julius Malema’s militant Economic Freedom Fighters party in South Africa.
It became clear that Bobi Wine was winning the hearts of youths as well as some earlier sceptics.
Given the widespread public desperation in Uganda, all many people want is a person who shows the potential of removing Museveni. All else is secondary.
In this sense Bobi Wine poses a real threat to Museveni, more so in consideration that young Ugandans, <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.UEM.1524.ZS">many of whom are unemployed</a>, constitute a huge percentage of the active electorate.
Museveni has confronted numerous challenges and won hands down. How do you see this challenge playing out?
It is not clear how this might end. It largely depends on whether the state remains adamant, and which other players join Bobi’s cause.
The “Free Bobi Wine” agitation is developing into a movement that could easily take on a broader form.
It is also expected that Bobi Wine’s stature would have been greatly boosted by his imprisonment. The state has contributed immensely to his political weight and appeal while at the same time proving itself a political villain and international laughing stock. He will no doubt be reading the public mood.
Nevertheless, I don’t expect that the state is going to relent. Museveni is not known to countenance any threat. We are yet to see more of this roughness as we get closer to the 2021 elections, where there is strong reason to believe that Bobi Wine might stand.
What are the prospects for a more open democracy in Uganda?
Most institutions that would count in a democratic dispensation – parliament, the judiciary and an electoral system – exist in Uganda. But the country continues to show more signs of a hybrid state slanted towards presidentialism. Much of the real power to bring about change rests in the hands of the person who may not want to see it happen.
There is therefore every reason to believe that an open democracy is highly unlikely under Museveni, except certain elements of it that don’t threaten his hold on power.<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/102138/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/jimmy-spire-ssentongo-323333">Jimmy Spire Ssentongo</a>, Jimmy Spire Ssentongo is an Associate Dean (Research and Publication), School of Postgraduate Studies and Research at Uganda Martyrs University, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/uganda-martyrs-university-2670">Uganda Martyrs University</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/uganda-who-is-bobi-wine-and-why-is-he-creating-such-a-fuss-102138">original article</a>.

Who is Bobi Wine and why is he at the centre of a storm in Uganda?

PRETORIA (Reuters) &#8211; South Africa has cancelled plans to add 9,600 megawatts (MW) of nuclear power by 2030 and will instead aim to add more capacity in natural gas, wind and other energy sources, the energy minister announced on Monday.
Africa’s only nuclear power has an installed capacity of 1,860 MW but plans under the government of former President Jacob Zuma to have six times that output by 2030 hit hurdles over cost and other issues.
There are now “no plans to increase nuclear until 2030,” Energy Minister Jeff Radebe said while releasing the government’s new Integrated Resource Plan (IRP).
The plan also showed that electricity demand on the grid has been declining.
Russian state-owned firm Rosatom was seen as a frontrunner to build the additional nuclear capacity.
Several meetings between Zuma and Russian President Vladimir Putin led to speculation that Rosatom had secured the deal before the launch of the public tender. South Africa’s government and Rosatom denied this claim.
But soon after taking over from Zuma in February, President Cyril Ramaphosa put the nuclear expansion on the back burner saying the plan was too expensive.
In July, Ramaphosa said Putin had raised the subject of a nuclear deal at a private meeting with him at the BRICS summit in Johannesburg but that he had told him that Pretoria could not sign such a deal for now.
Radebe on Monday instead outlined expansion plans targeting other energy sources.
He said the plan calls for additional capacity of 8,100 MW from wind and 8,100 MW from gas, 5,670 MW from photovoltaic panels, 2,500 MW from hydro and 1,000 MW from coal by 2030.
Public comment on the plan is invited for 60 days before final cabinet approval, he said.
Writing by James Macharia; editing by Jason Neely

Why South Africa is cancelling plans to expand its nuclear power

ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) &#8211; Ethiopia’s prime minister said on Saturday an election due for 2020 would be free and should not be delayed by his sweeping reforms to the African nation’s politics, economy and diplomacy.
Abiy Ahmed, who took office in April, has pledged to open up the state-dominated economy and has taken steps to end decades of hostility with neighbouring Eritrea — moves that could reshape the country and the broader Horn of Africa region.
He said on Saturday at his first news conference that the World Bank would provide $1 billion in budget support in the next few months, explaining that “this is due to the reforms taking place in the country.”
Since winning office, Abiy has loosened the grip of a state that had ruled with an iron fist. He has ordered the release of political prisoners and decried abuses by security forces as state terrorism.
“My dream and ambition is for democratic elections to be held,” the 42-year-old prime minister said.
“Otherwise, what legitimacy can any official have without the mandate earned through elections?”
Abiy said elections, due in 2020, should not be delayed until the reforms he has announced are completed.
He said the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition’s focus next year would be on “preparations for free elections to be held.”
Abiy has promised to give more room to opponents in a nation of 100 million where no opposition lawmakers sit in parliament.
He has lifted a state of emergency put in place after his predecessor resigned in February following three years of protests in which hundreds were killed by security forces.
The World Bank and other donors suspended budgetary help following a vote in 2005 that was disputed by the opposition and accompanied by violence that killed 200 people.
The ruling coalition, in power since ousting dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991, has long been accused by the opposition of crushing dissent, a charge it had denied, though Abiy has spoken frankly since taking office about past abuses.
Some political dissidents have voiced scepticism about change as long as Abiy’s EPRDF remains in power.
Protests that led to the resignation of his predecessor were partly driven by Ethiopia’s disillusioned youth, suffering high levels of unemployment. Although it has been one of Africa’s fastest-growing economies, Ethiopia’s export sector &#8211; mainly garment manufacturing and farming &#8211; has struggled, meaning the economy is not generating enough dollars to pay for imports.
The dollar shortages have been exacerbated by the government’s massive investment in infrastructure over the last decade.
The government last month called on Ethiopians to bring their hard currency into banks to ease the shortage, a move which closed the once yawning gap between the official and black market exchange rates for the birr currency. [L8N1UG5JH]
On Saturday, Abiy said “economic sabotage” had taken place and adding that “large groups” were still hoarding foreign exchange, without giving details.
Though the government has pledged to partially privatise several key state-owned companies, including the telecoms monopoly, the form liberalisation will take and the speed with which it will be carried out have not been announced.
Reporting by Aaron Maasho; Writing by Maggie Fick; Editing by Edmund Blair and Ros Russell

Ethiopia’s prime minister says 2020 vote will be free, what you need to know…

<figure><img decoding="async" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/232450/original/file-20180817-165934-volzhl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt="File 20180817 165934 volzhl.jpg?ixlib=rb 1.1" /><figcaption>Names of victims of the Rwandan Genocide in Kigali. 
Shutterstock/karenfoleyphotography</figcaption></figure>
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/jennifer-trahan-536652">Jennifer Trahan</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/new-york-university-1016">New York University</a>
Three Rwandan prisoners convicted of genocide by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/betraying-justice-for-rwandas-genocide-survivors">have requested</a> early release from the United Nations Mechanism for International Criminal Tribunals. This has drawn widespread anger in Rwanda – from citizens and the government. We spoke to Jennifer Trahan about how this process might unfold.
What is the UN Mechanism for International Criminal Tribunals and how does it work?
It has taken over the remaining work of the two international criminal tribunals set-up to prosecute genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia.
Article 26 of the UN statute governing the UN Mechanism for International Criminal Tribunal allows those convicted by either the Yugoslav or Rwanda Tribunal to apply for early release. Given that the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda finished its work three years ago, the issue of whether any persons convicted by that tribunal should receive early release goes to the UN Mechanism.
How many genocide convicts have had early releases and why are they granted?
Early release often allows the convicted person to serve two-thirds of the sentence. Since the UN Mechanism was established in 2012, it has <a href="http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/news/ea/Rwanda-furious-UN-Court-leniency-genocide/4552908-4605838-10a3uo5z/index.html">granted</a> early release to more than 10 of those convicted by the Rwanda Tribunal.
The issue of whether or not a person should be released early is influenced by the confinement practices of the country where the person is serving his or her sentence. Meaning, if local laws are more favourable towards early release, this can have influence on the decision. Two of those who have applied for early release are serving their time in Mali, and one is serving time in Benin.
What were the three Rwandan prisoners, pushing for early release, jailed for?
The three people who have sought early release are Aloys Simba, Dominique Ntawukulilyayo and Hassan Ngeze. They were all jailed for their various roles in the <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-26875506">Rwandan genocide</a> in which an estimated one million Rwandans – mostly Tutsis from the country’s minority ethnic group – were killed in the space of 100 days.
Simba was tried for his role in five massacres committed between 14-20 April 1994 in the regions of Gikongoro and Butare. He was <a href="http://hrlibrary.umn.edu/instree/ICTR/SIMBA_ICTR-01-76/SIMBA_ICTR-01-76-A.pdf">convicted</a> of genocide, and extermination as a crime against humanity, and sentenced to 25 years imprisonment. He is <a href="http://www.irmct.org/en/about/functions/enforcement-of-sentences">serving</a> his sentence in Benin.
Ntawukulilyayo was tried for his involvement in the <a href="https://www.newtimes.co.rw/section/read/72906">massacre on Kabuye hill</a> where Tutsis were rounded up, assured of their safety but brutally killed. An estimated 50,000 Tutsis died there. He was <a href="http://www.internationalcrimesdatabase.org/Case/140/Ntawukulilyayo/">convicted</a> of aiding and abetting genocide by instructing the refugees who had gathered at Gisaraga market to move to Kabuye hill, and for transporting soldiers who participated in the attack. He was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment, which he is <a href="http://www.irmct.org/en/about/functions/enforcement-of-sentences">serving</a> in Mali.
Ngeze was the Editor-in-Chief of Kangura Newspaper, which published inflammatory anti-Tutsi rhetoric. He was <a href="http://hrlibrary.umn.edu/instree/ICTR/NGEZE_ICTR-97-27/NGEZE_ICTR-99-52-A_Summary.pdf">convicted,</a> as part of the “media case,” of individual criminal responsibility for
<blockquote>(1) aiding and abetting the commission of genocide in Gisenyi préfecture; (2) direct and public incitement to commit genocide through the publication of articles in his Kangura newspaper in 1994; and (3) aiding and abetting crimes against humanity (extermination) in Gisenyi prefecture.</blockquote>
He was sentenced to 35 years imprisonment, which he is also <a href="http://www.irmct.org/en/about/functions/enforcement-of-sentences">serving</a> in Mali.
Why are people so angry and what might happen next?
Victims are dismayed by the idea of early release. For example, victims in the former Yugoslavia generally found many of the Yugoslav Tribunal’s sentences too lenient. They were even more upset when early releases further shortened the sentences.
Many victims in Rwanda would no doubt feel the same.
The ideas behind sentencing – and whether there should be early release – raises profound philosophical, moral and legal issues as to how long someone should be sentenced, and the purposes of sentencing. Does one believe a person can be rehabilitated? Has a person really shown remorse? Does it matter that the person showed “good behaviour” in prison? What if the person is now old and/or sick?
It’s also important to keep in mind that those convicted by the Rwanda Tribunal were convicted of indescribably horrific crimes. So, compared to US practices, for instance, where the murder of one person could get someone a sentence of life in prison – or in some US states, a death sentence – the original sentences, without early release, were not ones that appeared to warrant shortening. Most of the accused were convicted of genocide, with victims at some crime scenes in the thousands if not tens of thousands. For crimes of such magnitude, no sentence would seem sufficient.
The other consideration is that when the Rwandan Tribunal judges sentenced a person to a term of years, they probably meant the entire length and were not thinking that it would be reduced by a third.
Having said that, those serving time are legally entitled to apply for early release.
If a person receives early release, where will they go?<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/101743/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
They are unlikely to return to Rwanda, and many countries would not let them in. This means that release from serving an International Criminal Tribunal sentence has sometimes left individuals in legal “limbo” with no country willing to allow them in.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/jennifer-trahan-536652">Jennifer Trahan</a>, Clinical Associate, Professor, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/new-york-university-1016">New York University</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/unpacking-the-request-for-early-release-by-three-rwanda-genocide-prisoners-101743">original article</a>.

Should the request by three Rwandan genocide prisoners for early release be granted?

Global agriculture is facing unprecedented challenges. It’s estimated that the world’s population will reach <a href="http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/wsfs/docs/Issues_papers/HLEF2050_Global_Agriculture.pdf">9.1 billion</a> by 2050 with an ever expanding middle class. Current food production levels will have to be increased <a href="http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/wsfs/docs/Issues_papers/HLEF2050_Global_Agriculture.pdf">by 70%</a> to meet future nutrition requirements.
At the same time, the challenges posed by climate change, water, nutrients and energy are converging.
About <a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/world/high-price-desertification-23-hectares-land-minute">12 million hectares</a> of land becomes degraded each year. Droughts and floods are becoming more frequent and larger. For a host of reasons Africa is at the eye of this storm. Some reasons include the fact that southern Africa has already <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229571074_An_overview_of_environmental_issues_in_Southern_Africa?_esc=publicationCoverPdf&amp;el=1_x_2&amp;enrichId=rgreq-f66703e9002784161a8ae55da3316e2b-XXX&amp;enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIyOTU3MTA3NDtBUzoxMDIyMDQyNTgxMjc4ODNAMTQwMTM3ODgwMjc3Ng%3D%3D">lost 25% of its soil fertility</a>. And some countries on the continent have some of the highest population growth rates globally.
All of these issues must be tackled. And good water management is among the most crucial factors if Africa is to navigate an uncertain future. Water is essential for agriculture. African countries must, as a matter of urgency, develop coherent and strategic policies around water, land and agriculture.
There is work underway, including <a href="https://gwf.usask.ca/impc/about/about-us.php">my own research</a> and projects being run in <a href="https://www.fruitlook.co.za/">South Africa</a> and <a href="https://www.waterexchange.com.au/">Australia</a>, that might hold lessons for African countries which want to manage their water better.
The initiatives include investing in irrigation infrastructure, the smart use of technology in water management such as tools to predict and manage the flow of water, as well as mobile apps for farmers.
<h2>Investment</h2>
Irrigated agriculture is <a href="http://www.fao.org/docrep/005/Y3918E/y3918e10.htm">much more productive</a> than rain fed agriculture. That’s why both land and water management must be considered within the question of achieving sustainable and productive agriculture.
In North America’s highly productive arid prairie regions, such as the Prairie provinces of Canada (Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba) and the prairie regions of the US, governments and farmers <a href="http://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/may-2017/sustainable-agriculture-and-innovation/">have invested</a> a lot of capital into groundwater and surface water extraction, as well as irrigation infrastructure.
That has allowed the development of increasingly intensive and productive agriculture. Similar investments into irrigation infrastructure are needed in Africa to boost agricultural productivity. Some examples of fairly complex and extensive irrigation schemes do already exist in Africa. One is the transfer of water from the Gariep Dam to the Fish and Sundays rivers in the Eastern Cape province, which supports intensive citrus farming. Although the ecological sustainability of this example is questionable, it does show that Africa has the capacity to develop irrigation schemes.
Such highly productive agricultural regions will be essential for ensuring future food security, both nationally and internationally. Regions in Africa with high potential for intensive, yet sustainable agriculture through irrigation will need to be identified and developed.
<h2>Technology</h2>
Technology is also playing an increasingly important role in farming, irrigation and water management.
Modelling tools such as hydrological and water management models have emerged as an essential component of water management. My colleagues and I at the <a href="https://gwf.usask.ca/impc/">Integrated Modelling Program for Canada</a> are developing tools that can be used to predict and manage the water flow and water quality of Canada’s large river basins. Similar initiatives are needed in other countries. The models developed, along with knowledge gained by our project, can help guide water management in other regions.
Other technological improvements include the development of smart plants that are more drought tolerant thanks to genetic modification and genome editing. Some plants can also be <a href="https://www.technologyreview.com/s/608535/to-feed-the-world-improve-photosynthesis/">engineered</a> to use more efficient photosynthetic pathways that fully use the sun’s available energy. This development holds promise for the hot climates of Africa.
Irrigation management is now using remote sensing data. Much of these data are freely available and cover the entire planet. For instance, remote sensing is used to pinpoint areas of wet and dry zones in cultivated fields. This allows for variable irrigation management and remote sensing estimates of crop water requirements. Australia’s <a href="https://irrisat-cloud.appspot.com/">IrriSAT</a>, which uses the <a href="http://irrisat-cloud.appspot.com/">Google Earth Engine</a>, is one example of this approach.
A South African technology is using <a href="https://www.fruitlook.co.za/">remote sensing</a> to help farmers in the Western Cape province save water.
<a href="https://www.newtimes.co.rw/section/read/223291">Mobile apps</a> are currently being piloted in Rwanda to help farmers. These will provide information on weather, rainfall and soil humidity to allow better farm management and productivity, as well as information on markets.
These are positive, but small, steps. It’s clear that the African continent has a lot of catching up to do if it’s to tackle its water management issues.
<h2>The way forward</h2>
African governments need to pursue collaborations with international institutions interested in working with the continent. For example, the <a href="http://www.agr.gc.ca/eng/home/?id=1395690825741">Prairie Farm Rehabilitation Administration</a> has shown interest in working with African governments. The organisation has developed expertise in managing drought and land degradation since it was established in the 1930s.
And established institutions in Africa such as the <a href="http://www.wrc.org.za/">Water Research Commission</a> and the <a href="http://www.arc.agric.za/Pages/Home.aspx">Agricultural Research Council</a> should be strengthened and new institutions created. This would encourage more sharing of knowledge throughout Africa.
 
<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/101762/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />In addition, knowledge of best agricultural practices developed elsewhere should be assessed and adapted for African conditions. Importantly, efforts should be made to reduce the red tape that currently prevents the application of existing technology.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/andrew-slaughter-398809">Andrew Slaughter</a>, Visiting professor, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-saskatchewan-1403">University of Saskatchewan</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-africa-can-up-its-game-on-water-management-for-agriculture-101762">original article</a>.

What Africa needs to do to ensure good water management for agriculture

JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) &#8211; The United States poultry industry will press its government to retaliate if South Africa suspends a quota that excludes some U.S. imports from an anti-dumping tariff, the head of a poultry trade group said.
The South African Poultry Association (SAPA) has filed a lawsuit seeking to force the government to suspend the quota in response to the Trump administration’s decision to impose tariffs on aluminum and steel imports from South Africa.
“We will certainly be encouraging our government to take appropriate action,” James Sumner, president of the USA Poultry and Egg Export Council, told Reuters late on Tuesday.
The looming row could put at risk duty-free access to the U.S. market for nearly $2 billion worth of South African exports, government officials and trade experts say.
South Africa levies a tariff on “bone-in” poultry that it says is exported by major world producers, including the United States, at prices below the cost of production.
The U.S. poultry industry believes the anti-dumping tariff is illegal.
Threatened with losing its benefits under AGOA &#8211; the United States’ flagship trade legislation for Africa &#8211; South Africa agreed to a quota in 2015 allowing some 65,000 tonnes of meat from U.S. producers to be imported tariff-free each year.
AGOA grants qualifying countries duty-free access to the U.S. market for thousands of goods. More than $1.8 billion in South African exports to the United States were covered by AGOA last year.
However, South Africa’s poultry association is arguing that tariffs of 25 percent on steel and 10 percent on aluminum imports imposed by Washington earlier this year violate the quota agreement by curtailing AGOA benefits.
“We hope that the U.S. and South Africa will amicably resolve and differences they have over the (steel and aluminum) tariffs but it should not interfere with agreements already reached on poultry trade,” Sumner said.
Reporting by Joe Bavier; Editing by James Macharia and Richard Balmforth

South Africa’s poultry industry at odds with U.S, here’s why…

JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) &#8211; South Africa’s state-run power utility Eskom expects to have 7,000 less staff in five years from now, Marion Hughes a senior manager at the utility that is struggling to emerge from a financial crisis said on Thursday.
Eskom employs 47,000 people and has powerful labour unions, some allied with the ruling ANC and others more militant, that have said they will resist attempts to cut the workforce and fight moves to privatise the company.
Reporting by Ed Stoddard; Editing by James Macharia

Eskom, South Africa’s power utility, plans to cut 7,000 jobs in five years

<figure><img decoding="async" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/231643/original/file-20180813-2894-mxi5d9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt="File 20180813 2894 mxi5d9.jpg?ixlib=rb 1.1" /><figcaption>Young African scientists face persistent barriers which cause them to leave academia. Shutterstock/WAYHOME studio</figcaption></figure>
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/anna-coussens-202468">Anna Coussens</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-cape-town-691">University of Cape Town</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/abidemi-james-akindele-497175">Abidemi James Akindele</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-lagos-1959">University of Lagos</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/badre-abdeslam-496703">Badre Abdeslam</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/universite-mohammed-v-de-rabat-2773">Université Mohammed V de Rabat</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/fridah-kanana-497174">Fridah Kanana</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/kenyatta-university-2655">Kenyatta University</a>, and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/mona-khoury-kassabri-501285">Mona Khoury-Kassabri</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/hebrew-university-of-jerusalem-855">Hebrew University of Jerusalem</a>
Young African scientists face <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-africa-is-tackling-next-generation-fears-in-academia-49057">persistent barriers</a> which cause them to leave their own countries, and even academia. This means the continent’s work force loses highly trained people who are crucial for scientific and technological advancement, and for economic development.
It’s estimated that <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4637331/">20,000 highly</a> educated professionals leave the continent annually, with <a href="http://www.universityworldnews.com/article.php?story=20081214092057738">up to 30%</a> of Africa’s scientists among them.
A number of factors contribute to this trend. The extreme factors include war and political instability. But the more common “pushes” are a desire for higher pay, better opportunities, and the search for a conducive research environment – one where infrastructure and management help drive careers and research potential.
To identify all the barriers and develop strategies to address them, the <a href="https://globalyoungacademy.net/">Global Young Academy</a> – an organisation of 200 talented young scientists and over 200 alumni from 83 countries – established the Global State of Young Scientists (<a href="https://globalyoungacademy.net/activities/the-global-state-of-young-scientists/">GloSYS</a>) Africa project. Working with <a href="https://globalyoungacademy.net/global-state-of-young-scientists-project-researchers-meet-in-morocco/">local research partners</a> and international higher education experts, the project aims to identify the challenges and motivations that shape young scientists’ career trajectories.
Our initial findings point to a lack of mentoring, resources and funding as key issues young scientists face across the continent. Using this data, we will be able to identify critical areas in which young scientists need support and develop innovative strategies to alleviate these challenges.
The project comes at an important time as, over the past few years, African countries have initiated programmes to <a href="http://www.universityworldnews.com/article.php?story=20090529112249793">increase</a> the number of PhD graduates. But if governments don’t simultaneously develop support structures for graduates, and increase access to critical teaching and research infrastructure, these young scientists are set up to fail.
<h2>The study</h2>
The Global State of Young Scientists Africa project, uses an <a href="https://glosys.typeform.com/to/Cup20s">online survey</a> (which is currently open to respondents) and in-depth interviews to gather as much detail as possible. It looks at young scientists’ motivations, career ambitions and the barriers they experience in fulfilling their career aspirations.
It targets researchers and scholars who have earned a Masters or PhD within the last 10 years, irrespective of their current employment status and sector. It’s also open to current PhD students in Africa and African scientists and scholars currently living in the diaspora.
Having this wide range of participants means the data will reflect a broad range of experiences. From early-career researchers with a history of moving within and out of Africa, to those who have never left their home countries. From department heads, to researchers who have trouble finding work despite their high qualifications. The team is also particularly interested in hearing from early career researchers outside of academia, as this helps us understand their reasons for not pursuing a career in research.
From our preliminary survey results – drawn from more than 700 young scientists’ responses – we have found that, even with diverse backgrounds, early-career researchers have a great deal in common. A lack of mentoring, infrastructure, resources (staff and material) and funding for research and resources are key reasons for not pursuing a career in academia. There is also a strong desire for more training in grant writing and professional skills.
Using this information, the GYA plans to develop programmes to address the challenges, as we’ve previously done.
This is the third survey done under the Global State of Young Scientists umbrella. The first was a global <a href="https://globalyoungacademy.net/publications/the-global-state-of-young-scientists/">study</a> of young scientists from 14 countries across five continents. The second was a regional study which focused on <a href="https://globalyoungacademy.net/publications/the-global-state-of-young-scientists-in-asean/">four Southeast Asian countries</a>.
A major challenge identified from those two studies was the desire for training in leadership skills. As these young scientists began to grow their own research groups they needed the tools to deal with the challenges of integrating research, teaching, and fundraising. In response, Global Young Academy members developed and implemented science leadership programmes in <a href="http://www.futureafrica.science/index.php/leadership-programmes/aslp">Africa</a> and <a href="http://www.nationmultimedia.com/business/First-Science-Leadership-Programme-for-Asean-30290867.html">Asia</a>, in collaboration with creative facilitators <a href="http://knowinnovation.com/">KnowInnovation</a> and <a href="http://www.futureafrica.science/">Future Africa</a>.
Obtaining these new skills created an incentive for the young scientists to pursue their career in academia. The fellows found, for instance, the science leadership programmes to be one to the most significant workshops of their careers.
<h2>From barriers to action</h2>
The African leg of the survey continues. Once common challenges have been identified, the team will then work with policymakers in Africa as well as with international funding bodies to develop evidence-based initiatives to address them.
It’s hoped that the Global State of Young Scientists Africa project will highlight further areas of need, so that the Academy can develop new innovative programmes in collaboration with science and education policymakers to improve young African scientists’ prospects.
Early career researchers from and in Africa can become involved by taking the <a href="https://glosys.typeform.com/to/Cup20s">GloSYS Africa survey</a>. The survey will remain open until mid September 2018 with results to be published at the beginning of 2019.
Marie Luise Neumann, GloSYS project researcher for the Global Young Academy assisted in the writing of this article. Mobility data analysis was conducted by Dr Hsin-Chou Yang and his research team at the Institute of Statistical Science Academia Sinica, Taiwan
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/anna-coussens-202468">Anna Coussens</a>, Honorary Associate Professor in Medical Microbiology, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-cape-town-691">University of Cape Town</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/abidemi-james-akindele-497175">Abidemi James Akindele</a>, Lecturer, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-lagos-1959">University of Lagos</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/badre-abdeslam-496703">Badre Abdeslam</a>, Professor, Social Sciences, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/universite-mohammed-v-de-rabat-2773">Université Mohammed V de Rabat</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/fridah-kanana-497174">Fridah Kanana</a>, Senior lecturer, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/kenyatta-university-2655">Kenyatta University</a>, and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/mona-khoury-kassabri-501285">Mona Khoury-Kassabri</a>, Postdoctoral fellow, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/hebrew-university-of-jerusalem-855">Hebrew University of Jerusalem</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/whats-stopping-young-african-scientists-from-achieving-their-potential-97404">original article</a>.

What are the barriers that keep African scientists from reaching their full potential?

JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) &#8211; Some Nike stores were closed in South Africa on Wednesday after public outcry over a racist comment by a man that local media said had links to the sportswear company.
Nike declined to comment on the store closures, but issued a statement reiterating its “long-standing commitment to diversity, inclusion and respect”, adding that the man seen in a video posted online was not a company employee.
In the video, taken at a beach resort, a white man with a South African accent says: “And not one kaffir in sight. Fucking heaven on earth.”
The “K word” as it is known in South Africa is apartheid-era slang for a black person and is regarded as a deeply offensive slur on a par with the “N word” in America.
Times Live online news service said the man in the video was married to a merchandising director at Nike. A Nike spokeswoman in London declined to comment and Reuters was unable to independently verify the person’s identity.
South African media reported Nike stores had closed their doors. Reuters witnesses confirmed that two were shut at a mall in the Sandton district of Johannesburg.
The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), a party known for its hard-left and African nationalist positions, said it would file a criminal complaint against the man in the video.
In January, protesters led by the EFF trashed six H&amp;M stores over an ad by the retail chain which featured a black child modelling a sweatshirt with the slogan “coolest monkey in the jungle.”
South Africa remains deeply scarred by its apartheid and colonial past, with the racial reconciliation embraced by the late president Nelson Mandela frequently marred by racist incidents.
<div class="Attribution_container">
<div class="Attribution_attribution">
Additional reporting by Patricia Aruo; Editing by James Macharia and Robin Pomeroy
</div>
</div>

Here’s why Nike temporarily closed stores in South Africa

HARARE (Reuters) &#8211; Hundreds gathered around screens outside Zimbabwe’s top court on Wednesday to watch a legal showdown between President Emmerson Mnangagwa and the opposition leader challenging his July 30 election victory.
Hundreds of thousands more were expected to turn on their televisions to follow live footage of the Constitutional Court considering Nelson Chamisa’s petition that the vote was flawed and should be overturned.
Riot police blocked roads leading to the court in the capital Harare and vehicles carrying water cannon parked nearby.
Chamisa, 40, says the first vote since the removal of Robert Mugabe in November was rigged by a biased electoral commission. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) and Mnangagwa say there was no foul play.
The court could throw the case out, declare a new winner or order a fresh election within 60 days.
The case has been cast as a major test of the independence of the highest court whose verdict cannot be appealed.
“The jurisprudential and political burden that weighs heavily on the shoulders of each of the Constitutional Court judges today is that they are about to adjudicate by far the most important case of their legal careers,” Welshman Ncube, a Chamisa ally and constitutional lawyer wrote on Twitter.
The election had been expected to end Zimbabwe’s pariah status and launch an economic recovery, but post-vote unrest has brought back uncomfortable reminders of its violent past.
Mnangagwa has urged Zimbabwe to unite behind him but questions remain over the death of six people in an army crackdown on protests against the ruling party’s victory.
Reporting by MacDonald Dzirutwe; Editing by Andrew Heavens

Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa and Chamisa go head-to-head, this time in court, what you need to know…

MOSCOW (Reuters) &#8211; Russia and the Central African Republic will sign an agreement on military cooperation on Tuesday, Russian Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu was quoted by Interfax news agency as saying.
Russia this year delivered light arms to the Central African Republic’s security forces and said it deployed 175 military and civilian instructors to train them.
Three Russian reporters were killed last month in the Central African Republic while investigating Russian mercenaries reportedly active in the country.
Reporting by Maria Kiselyova; Writing by Tom Balmforth; editing by John Stonestreet

What you need to know about Russia’s military agreement with Central African Republic

JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) &#8211; South Africa’s rand firmed more than one percent in early trade on Tuesday, matching gains by its emerging market peers as criticism of Federal Reserve rate hikes by U.S. President Donald Trump hurt the dollar and revived demand for some risk assets.
At 0630 GMT the rand was 1.1 percent firmer at 14.3700 per dollar, its firmest since Thursday, in what traders said was the beginning of a consolidation pattern with momentum indicators showing the unit was oversold.
The rand’s 3-day Relative Strength Index (RSI), used to identify oversold or overbought signals by comparing the current price to previous periods, dipped below the 70-mark overnight indicating a reversal of the recent bear trend.
The rand crashed to a two-year low last week as the financial crisis in Turkey rattled sentiment towards emerging markets broadly, adding to concerns about the impact of the U.S.-China trade spat on global economic growth.
But with Turkish markets closed for a religious holiday and anticipated talks between the United States and China seen lowering the temperature of the dispute, Trump’s central bank comments were the main catalyst.
In an interview with Reuters Trump said he was “not thrilled” with Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell for raising interest rates, causing the greenback to slide to its lowest level since Aug. 9.
Bonds also firmed, with the yield on the benchmark 2026 paper down 3.5 basis points to 9 percent.
Stocks were set to open a touch lower at 0700 GMT, with the Johannesburg Stock Exchange’s Top-40 futures index down 0.1 percent.
Reporting by Mfuneko Toyana; Editing by Ed Stoddard

South African rand firmer as Trump comments hurt dollar, what you need to know…

LUSAKA (Reuters) &#8211; Ethiopian Airlines has signed a shareholding agreement with Zambia’s main develoment agency to relaunch the southern African country’s flag carrier at an initial cost of $30 million.
The Ethiopian state-owned carrier has outpaced regional competitors Kenya Airways and South African Airways to become Africa’s largest airline by revenue and profit, and has been buying shares in other African airlines to gain a competitive advantage over rivals such as those in the Gulf.
Under the plan, Zambia Airways, being revived more than two decades after it was shut down, would operate 12 planes by 2028, Ethiopian Airlines said in a joint statement with Zambia’s state-owned Industrial Development Corporation (IDC).
Ethiopian Airlines will own 45 percent of the revamped Zambian airline, and Zambia 55 percent, the statement said.
“The initial investment as we start up the national carrier will be $30 million. Obviously, as we operate the airline, we will facilitate the financing necessary to support its growth,” it said.
Ethiopian Airlines said in January it had signed an agreement with the Zambian government to relaunch Zambia Airways.
Zambia Airways will launch local and regional routes this year while intercontinental routes, including Europe, the Middle East and Asia, will be added in the near future, it said.
State-owned Zambia Airways went into liquidation in 1994. The privately-owned Zambian Airways then emerged as the country’s main carrier with flights to other major hubs in southern Africa, but it suspended operations in 2009.
Ethiopian Airlines operates and manages Malawi Airlines through a deal signed in 2013.
In May, the airline said it was in talks with Chad, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea and Guinea to set up carriers through joint ventures. It also aimed to create a new airline in Mozambique that it will fully own.
Ethiopia said in June it would open Ethiopian Airlines and its state-run telecoms monopoly to private domestic and foreign investment in a major policy shift that will loosen the state’s grip on the economy.
Reporting by Chris Mfula; Editing by James Macharia and Adrian Croft

What you need to know about Ethiopian Airlines and Zambia’s $30 million agreement

ZURICH (Reuters) &#8211; World soccer’s ruling body FIFA says the Ghanaian government has pledged to stop the process to wind up the country’s football association (GFA) over corruption allegations.
FIFA, which earlier this week threatened to suspend Ghana from international football, said the two sides had on Thursday agreed to work together “to offer leadership in reforming football administration in Ghana and in Africa”.
FIFA will also work with the Ghanaian government “to eradicate corruption and malfeasance and other associated criminal conduct from the administration of football in Ghana”, it said in a statement.
The two sides will set up a so-called “normalisation committee” to administer football in the country as well as a task force to create disciplinary, governance and auditing mechanisms.
“Satisfied with the above measures, the Ghanaian government shall take steps to discontinue the process for the winding up of the Ghana Football Association,” FIFA added.
FIFA did not, however, explicitly state that it had withdrawn its threat to suspend the GFA. Such a ban would mean the country’s national teams would be barred from international competition.
There was no immediate comment from the Ghanaian government, although it said on Tuesday that it expected an amicable outcome to Thursday’s meeting.
The GFA became embroiled in a scandal when its president Kwesi Nyantakyi was filmed by an investigative journalist in a hotel room appearing to take a $65,000 bribe from a supposed businessman seeking to sponsor the Ghanaian football league.
In June, the government began a process to wind up the GFA and police locked down the GFA offices, declaring the building a crime scene.
Nyantakyi was suspended by FIFA from his positions on its decision-making FIFA Council. He resigned as GFA president and apologised to Akufo-Addo and the government for what he called his “indiscretion”.
Despite having itself suspended Nyantakyi, FIFA does not accept third party interference in its member federations and had therefore threatened to ban the GFA over the government’s action.
Reporting by Brian Homewood, editing by Ed Osmond

FIFA plans to work with Ghana’s government, here’s why…

<figure><figcaption></figcaption></figure>
By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/mia-perry-526580" rel="author">Mia Perry, </a>Senior Lecturer, Education, Arts, Literacies, University of Glasgow
Nigeria recently surpassed India to become the country with <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2018/06/26/africa/nigeria-overtakes-india-extreme-poverty-intl/index.html">the highest number</a> of people living in extreme poverty: 87 million. Nigeria is oil rich and boasts Africa’s fastest growing economy. Yet six of its people fall into extreme poverty <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2018/06/26/africa/nigeria-overtakes-india-extreme-poverty-intl/index.html">every minute</a>.
This story isn’t unique to Nigeria. It’s echoed in other resource-rich countries like the <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2016/04/18/africa/looting-machine-tom-burgis-africa/index.html">Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola</a> where an exploitative elite and multinational companies keep wealth from reaching the majority of citizens. By 2030, it’s estimated that <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/up-front/2013/05/29/africas-challenge-to-end-extreme-poverty-by-2030-too-slow-or-too-far-behind">82% of the world’s poorest people</a> will live in Africa.
This is the continent’s paradox: vast natural resources and mineral reserves alongside extreme poverty.
Historically, poverty has been predominantly dealt with as a lack of material resources or an income deprivation issue. Development work has focused on pushing resources to poor communities. Many have criticised the availability of “free money” though international aid, which they say has created a “<a href="https://www.lejournalinternational.fr/Foreign-aid-is-hurting-not-helping-Sub-Saharan-Africa_a2085.html">dependency syndrome</a>”, dishonest procurement and white elephant projects. Aid work has also been accused of fostering <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-focus/2017/04/20/making-africa-great-again-reducing-aid-dependency/">paternalism rather than partnership</a>.
The reality is that poverty is about <a href="http://amartya.nl/why-poverty/">more than just money</a>. If money alone were the solution, poverty would have ended: more than $50 billion was given <a href="https://www.oecd.org/dac/stats/documentupload/Africa-Development-Aid-at-a-Glance.pdf">as overseas development assistance to Africa in 2017 alone</a>.
Without contextual knowledge, education and adaptation, foreign or imposed practices or resources cause new sets of problems. This is seen again and again across countries that depend on aid. For example, where food poverty was causing under-nutrition in parts <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/landia/article/PIIS2213-8587(17)30432-1/fulltext">of Malawi</a>, financial aid has alleviated it. But that problem is quickly being replaced by <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/landia/article/PIIS2213-8587(17)30432-1/fulltext">diabetes and hypertension</a> – because of a narrow financial solution to a complex problem.
We argue that tackling poverty requires a different focus, rather than just money. It requires partnerships and practices that promote learning, particularly in relation to cultural and self knowledge. Having communities identify their own problems, then collaborate to find solutions, is also crucial. Money has a role to play in partnerships, but projects shouldn’t default to depending solely on it.
<h2>Driven communities</h2>
Many of the factors that are blamed for contributing to poverty are not measurable in dollar terms or connected to income. These include people’s lack of choices, restriction of freedom, lack of skills, gender castes and barriers.
Understanding these issues and their complexities requires looking at poverty through a <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/311943048_The_Theoretical_Impact_of_the_Sustainability_Lens">sustainability lens</a>. This is a perspective that focuses on ethical and innovative ways to look at and use resources, share knowledge, and build community to affect positive change.
Our work with the <a href="https://sustainablefuturesinafrica.com/">Sustainable Futures in Africa Network</a> has shown the importance of this lens. We’re an interdisciplinary collective of researchers, educators, and communities of practice that aims to build understanding, research, and practice in <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0921800915003158">socio-ecological sustainability</a> (which recognises the interconnection between social and ecological systems) 
in Africa.
We work from the understanding that because poverty is multifaceted, solutions to alleviate it must <a href="https://theconversation.com/an-integrated-sustainable-fix-is-key-to-solving-africas-energy-woes-48256">be multifaceted</a>, too.
A number of the community projects we work with are engaged in poverty reduction practices but don’t focus solely on generating income. These projects are driven by communities on their own with existing resources; they rely on their own abilities and efforts that are not externally funded.
One example is <a href="https://sustainablefuturesinafrica.com/2018/07/11/a-short-and-sweet-visit-to-the-sfa-hub-kampala/">ECOaction</a>, which works in a slum community on the outskirts of Kampala in Uganda. Residents largely rely on collecting and selling discarded plastic bottles collected from across the city for small amounts of money.
With no resource other than time and vision, residents have built a community hall from <a href="https://sustainablefuturesinafrica.com/2018/07/11/a-short-and-sweet-visit-to-the-sfa-hub-kampala/">recycled water bottles</a> and an urban garden that grows food for residents and a chicken farm. Colourful murals and sculpture can be found around every corner.
In Botswana, the Sustainable Futures in Africa team is working with a community in Mmadinare to develop a project that will protect their farm land from wild elephants. This will not rely on, or generate, external funding. But it will protect the farmers’ and the wild animals’ interests.
There are other ways to build strong sustainable communities without external financial resources. In Taba Padang, a village in Indonesia, <a href="http://www.eco-business.com/news/in-rural-indonesia-a-village-learns-to-embrace-its-forest-through-sustainability/">sustainable community forestry</a> is helping improve human wellbeing. There’s also <a href="https://www.ugandaletsgotravel.com/uganda/top-experiences/responsible-tourism/boomu-african-village/">Boomu African Village</a> in Uganda, where a women’s group participates in eco-tourism and invests back into the community. They have built a nursery school and trained other residents in their village to get involved in eco-tourism.
Other self-reliance projects centre on health. For example <a href="https://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-ee9eff20">in Lesotho</a>, volunteers participate in community home-based health care and fill the gap in the community health care chain.
<h2>A new lens</h2>
There is, of course, no one-size-fits-all solution that will end poverty. But aid in the form of donated money, from one place to another, is culturally, practically, and ethically problematic.
Money is not the currency of well-being, sustainability and community cohesion. More often, it’s a tool for influence and power dynamics that will favour the creditor. That’s why partnerships that rely on different types of resources and bring people together to design and act on context-relevant solutions can be such powerful drivers of change. That’s why for resource rich Africa, promoting self reliance would be key to eliminating poverty.
 
<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/101145/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />This article was co-authored by Dr Deepa Pullanikkatil, who recently completed a residency at the University of Glasgow funded by the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council, UK. She is the co-founder of Abundance (www.abundanceworldwide.org).
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/mia-perry-526580">Mia Perry</a>, Senior Lecturer, Education, Arts, Literacies, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-glasgow-1269">University of Glasgow</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/beating-poverty-needs-partnerships-and-collaboration-not-just-money-101145">original article</a>.

Why money alone can’t help beat poverty in Africa, here’s what is needed

BAMAKO (Reuters) &#8211; Malian President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita won re-election with 67 percent of the vote in a run-off against opposition rival Soumaila Cisse, the Ministry of Territorial Administration said on Thursday.
The victory hands Keita a second five-year term in the mostly desert West African country where militant violence and claims of fraud by the opposition marred the poll.
Keita’s now faces the giant task of lifting Mali out of a spiral of Islamist and ethnic violence in the center and north where attacks worsened in the months leading up to the vote despite the presence of U.N. and French troops.
Threats by jihadist militants forced nearly 500 polling stations &#8211; about two percent of the total &#8211; to stay closed during Sunday’s run-off, the government said. One election official was killed in northern Niafunke, in Timbuktu region.
It also meant voter turnout of over 2.7 million people was a muted 34 percent of the electorate.
Cisse has accused the Keita’s campaign of ballot stuffing and tweaking electoral rolls to secure the win, accusations Keita denies.
Despite the bitter rhetoric leading up to Thursday’s results, however, the streets of Bamako and other main cities remained calm this week. The country exports gold and cotton.
Reporting By Tiemoko Diallo; Writing by Edward McAllister; Editing by Matthew Mpoke Bigg

Mali’s President Keita will serve a second term after winning a re-election, what you need to know…

Transnet&#8217;s CEO Siyabonga Gama, Chief Advanced Manufacturing Officer Thamsanqa Jiyane and supply chain manager Lindiwe Mdletshe have been issued with suspension notices. This comes as South Africa’s National Treasury concluded its investigation of alleged corruption at state logistics firm Transnet last month.
The report covered allegations of misconduct concerning state logistics firm Transnet’s purchase of over 1,000 trains from China South Rail.
The report was given to the relevant parties for comment for which they were given two weeks to respond.
In May South Africa&#8217;s Public Enterprises Minister Pravin Gordhan appointed a new board at the logistics company with Popo Molefe as its chairperson.
Gordhan attributed the board changes to the &#8220;serious allegations of maladministration and corruption&#8221; Transnet faced.
<ul>
<li>With additional reporting from Reuters</li>
</ul>

Special Report

Who is Bobi Wine and why is he at the centre of a storm in Uganda?

Why South Africa is cancelling plans to expand its nuclear power

Ethiopia’s prime minister says 2020 vote will be free, what you need to know…

Should the request by three Rwandan genocide prisoners for early release be granted?

What Africa needs to do to ensure good water management for agriculture

South Africa’s poultry industry at odds with U.S, here’s why…

Eskom, South Africa’s power utility, plans to cut 7,000 jobs in five years

What are the barriers that keep African scientists from reaching their full potential?

Here’s why Nike temporarily closed stores in South Africa

Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa and Chamisa go head-to-head, this time in court, what you need to know…

What you need to know about Russia’s military agreement with Central African Republic

South African rand firmer as Trump comments hurt dollar, what you need to know…

What you need to know about Ethiopian Airlines and Zambia’s $30 million agreement

FIFA plans to work with Ghana’s government, here’s why…

Why money alone can’t help beat poverty in Africa, here’s what is needed

Mali’s President Keita will serve a second term after winning a re-election, what you need to know…

Transnet CEO issued with suspension notice

News Tips

Advertise With Us

Special Report

Who is Bobi Wine and why is he at the centre of a storm in Uganda?

Why South Africa is cancelling plans to expand its nuclear power

Ethiopia’s prime minister says 2020 vote will be free, what you need to know…

Should the request by three Rwandan genocide prisoners for early release be granted?

What Africa needs to do to ensure good water management for agriculture

South Africa’s poultry industry at odds with U.S, here’s why…

Eskom, South Africa’s power utility, plans to cut 7,000 jobs in five years

What are the barriers that keep African scientists from reaching their full potential?

Here’s why Nike temporarily closed stores in South Africa

Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa and Chamisa go head-to-head, this time in court, what you need to know…

What you need to know about Russia’s military agreement with Central African Republic

South African rand firmer as Trump comments hurt dollar, what you need to know…

What you need to know about Ethiopian Airlines and Zambia’s $30 million agreement

FIFA plans to work with Ghana’s government, here’s why…

Why money alone can’t help beat poverty in Africa, here’s what is needed

Mali’s President Keita will serve a second term after winning a re-election, what you need to know…

Transnet CEO issued with suspension notice

News Tips

Advertise With Us

Newsletters