ABIDJAN (Reuters) &#8211; Ivory Coast’s cotton industry will struggle to cover its costs after exporting just 20% of last season’s 210,902 tonnes of fibre because of COVID-19 disruptions in top buying destinations in Asia, the cotton ginners’ association told Reuters on Monday.



In a normal year, the West African nation would have exported almost all of its fibre by now.



Instead, the crisis has caused delays and the cancellation of some contracts with buyers in Pakistan, India and Bangladesh, the association’s executive secretary said.



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Global cotton prices have fallen by more than 11% this year, after efforts to slow the spread of the novel coronavirus forced clothing shops to close, dented demand and accelerated a decline triggered by the U.S.-China trade war. &lt;COT/N&gt;



As a result, Ivory Coast’s cotton sector “is facing difficulties mobilising funds to cover costs relating to the collection of fibre, transport and payment of producers,” said Brou Kouakou, declining to provide figures.



The need to store stocks longer and extend loans as a result of coronavirus-linked delays has further increased costs, he said.

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COVID-19 -Coronavirus slowdown squeezes Ivory Coast cotton sector – Reuters

Ratings agency S&amp;P Global on Friday affirmed its &#8216;AAA/A-1+&#8217; long- and short-term issuer credit assessment of the African Development Bank (AfDB) with a stable outlook.



The rating agency positively assessed the Bank’s very strong financial risk profile, very strong capital adequacy, strong funding and liquidity, extraordinary shareholder support and adequacy of its governance and management.



“We are therefore affirming our ‘AAA’ long-term issuer credit rating on the AfDB,” S&amp;P Global stated.



The rating agency noted the Bank’s $115 billion capital increase, approved by shareholders in October 2019, and the replenishment to the African Development Fund, the Bank’s concessional window, in December 2019.



“The stable outlook reflects our expectation that, over the next two years, AfDB will prudently manage its capital while maintaining solid levels of high-quality liquidity assets and robust funding,” S&amp;P Global said in a statement.



S&amp;P expects that “shareholders will remain supportive by providing timely capital payments”; the Bank “will continue benefiting from preferred creditor treatment (PCT); and “prudently manage growth in private-sector lending in a way that’s aligned with its mandate.”



The rating agency’s report further noted that the “AfDB will play a key role supporting the region, particularly in the context of COVID-19. The institution approved an up to $10 billion relief package for 2020, of which $6.9 billion will be financed by AfDB and the remainder through its concessional lending window.”



The President of the Bank, Akinwumi A. Adesina, said: “We are delighted with and welcome S&amp;P Global’s decision to affirm the Bank’s AAA/A-1+ rating. It reflects the Bank’s very strong financial position and risk management, as well as our sound governance. We will continue to maintain these standards, with the strong support of all our shareholders, as we deliver much needed financial, knowledge and policy support to our regional member countries during and after this period of the COVID-19 pandemic.”

AU Summit 2020: Africa’s youth are our greatest asset & we have to invest in them – Adesina

S&P gives AfDB AAA Rating.

Nigeria to review Capital Market Masterplan

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South African animation studio, Triggerfish is the leading group behind Netflix’s first animated TV series from Africa, and they have announced its first international studio to be opened in Galway Ireland. Joining CNBC Africa to unpack their international expansion is Stuart Forrest, CEO of TriggerFish.

How this SA animation studio is taking the African story into the world

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Telecoms Company Telkom is suspending its dividend policy for the next 3 years as it prioritises its capital investment programme ahead of its nearing auction of spectrum.

Telkom CEO on the decision to suspend dividend policy for 3 years

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Ratings agency Fitch has revised the outlook on Kenya’s B+ sovereign ratings to negative from stable, while affirming the rating. And the Financial Times reported that Senegal President Macky Sall, in an interview, disclosed that oil and gas projects in the country could be delayed by up to two years due to COVID-19. Ridle Markus, Africa Strategist, Absa Corporate and Investment Banking joins CNBC Africa for more.

Fitch revises Kenya’s B+ rating to negative from stable

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Rwanda has over the weekend seen a spike in COVID-19 cases, with some predicting renewed lockdown measures as a new wave of infections seems possible. Dr. Jose Nyamusore, Rwanda Biomedical Center joins CNBC Africa for more.

Rwanda sees spike in coronavirus cases

Why Africa’s perception of the COVID-19 pandemic matters

The world has been reeling from the financial crisis and Covid19 crisis with reverberations being felt throughout the real economy on production, consumption, jobs and well-being. At times like these, we are all reminded of just how intertwined our future prospects have become and forced to reflect on how history has led us to our current circumstances. The economic progress of past decades has improved the material well-being of emerging economies while South Africa experienced deep looting of state owned companies, established with a centred vision to solve socioeconomic conditions.



The energy sector played a role in creating an enabling manufacturing processes, rapid standardization, industrialization and also make life more comfortable and enjoyable. Energy is the “oxygen” of the economy and the life-blood of growth in a developmental state such as South Africa. Acknowledging that the core problems in Eskom spring from broken generation and the solution is to lose the unproductive and attract the skills, investment and expertise to sort out the existing fleet, is crucial to turning Eskom around.



The challenge is, solutions focused on restructuring debt or finding new capital allocations doesn’t redress the critical deal with the broken vertebrae at the power utility, but cancelling Eskom contracts can assist and have cost effective electricity to help the industrial development and transitioning the economy to sophistication or innovation driven. Eskom’s expensive electricity generation inefficiencies, which are the cause of the growing debt, the collapse of South African manufacturing industry and expensive mining sector, needs be changed and that’s possible through prioritizing new service providers that are affordable.



The government can fix the Eskom problems and they don’t need to sell any division of Eskom to operate well, the president needs to restructure the energy facility as his main priority moving forward, to position South Africa as a manufacturing hub for the continent, that wìll prepare for upstream industrial production and reduce unnecessary imports to the continent.



The PIC propositions to Eskom bailout are steps leading us to the envisioned capable state. The PIC&#8217;s . Reuel Khoza highlighted that the impact of the bailout to Eskom and reduce financial crisis the power utility faces for about R400-billion in debt. Tatana Khoza further indicated that, Jointly the GEPF and the PIC have bonds with Eskom and those would amoun, while their proposed feasible solution of using R250-billion in PIC funds to pay some of the utility&#8217;s burgeoning debt are strategically placed to rebuilding the power utility as the core oxygen for the South African economy.



The PIC manages more than R2-trillion on behalf of the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF); Unemployment Insurance Fund (UIF); Compensation Commissioner Fund (CC); Compensation Commissioner Pension Fund (CP) and Associated Institutions Pension Fund (AIPF). The PIC’s role is to invest funds on behalf of its clients, based on the investment mandates set by each client and approved by the FSCA.



For PIC to be a catalyst of continental economic integration and a global investor and realise their vision to be a global leader in impactful investing, they need to prioritize re-establishing Eskom as a centre for continental solutions in energy, for Industrial development to peak the Africa continental free trade agreement and prepare for a great pie of the targeted or projected materials boom in the next 40 years.



It is a huge risk for the economy to neglect Eskom as diversified portfolio investments will yield lower Interest Rates of Return than expected and the economy will not recover from recession and COVID-19 crisis, as energy is a key driver for an economy.



Today’s global energy and materials industries are characterized by significant shifts, which are creating new opportunities. New trends and technologies are changing the way energy is produced, delivered and consumed, Eskom must adapt quicker. In parallel, and under the current production-consumption model, world demand for raw materials could double by 2060. South Africa must benefit and be a key player in every global economic boom.



Investment, innovation and public-private collaboration are needed to accelerate the transition to a more sustainable, secure and affordable energy system, while optimizing the net social and economic value delivered by materials. Strong partnerships and commitments within the energy and materials industries and across their value chains are essential.



South African focused economic development and Industrial production is needed to be used in pushing the boundaries of the energy and materials future through high-level, multistakeholder taskforces, bringing together leaders from the electricity industry, the oil and gas sector, the mining and metals industry, and chemical and advanced materials companies across the value chain.



Miyelani Mkhabela is the Executive Director for Antswisa Transaction Advisory Services

miyelani mkhabela

OPINION: If Eskom is oxygen let us breathe.

The unjust killing of George Floyd troubled my soul, and brought me to tears. The global outcry prompted by the deaths of Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery, and many others has prompted a much needed discussion on racial justice. The stories I have heard about the injustices in the United States today has triggered a reminder for me of South Africa’s apartheid that was similar to America’s Jim Crow. While advancements were made with the U.S. Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s, and apartheid ended in 1994 just over a quarter century ago, both countries still deal with structural and historical inequality that affects access to quality education, health and finance.



In South Africa, the recent global protests are a harsh reminder of historical inequality along racial lines. The celebration of Youth Day in our country commemorates the Soweto uprising and South Africa’s own ardent protests which have shifted from calling for democratic freedom then to economic freedom now. Protests are powerful because they bring people together to build social cohesion by rallying around a set of noble values. A common value for all nations to mobilize around is the reduction of inequality. We need to address and acknowledge those who are— and continue to be— marginalized in order for our countries to move forward.



As we see more and more division in the world, we must focus on establishing social cohesion in our communities by sharing our personal stories. Storytelling is the cornerstone of the human experience and human connection. Through stories we construct our world. In my book “My Blood Divides and Unites”, I tell my story and those of others around the world. There is power in your story and how it can connect to others, bring healing from lingering emotions and instil a culture of empathy. As I write in my book My Blood Divides and Unites: ‘’That’s because empathy— listening to the other person with an open heart and connecting with the other person’s feelings even if you don’t agree— can put you in the other person’s shoes, and that can often be a catalyst for repairing and strengthening broken, even hostile, relationships.’’



In the book I call on individuals, businesses, government and the media to use stories and actions to become inspirational leaders. There are many examples of true leadership and reconciliation that happens at a grassroots level. Individuals across all levels of society are utilizing the personal and professional tools at their disposal to engage in racial reconciliation, however, this reality is not always displayed by the media. I believe we can and should share positive stories of racial harmony and social cohesion. We must be intentional about being inspirational leaders in the area of racial reconciliation in order to motivate our peers to play their parts in ending inequality.



In closing, an extract from my book:



“Now is the time for inspirational leaders to move the needle and change the hearts of individuals and nations by bringing people together….”



Who is today’s Rev. Martin Luther King? Who is our Nelson Mandela, our Abraham Lincoln?&#8230;.I cannot say who the leaders history remembers and writes of will be, but I can say with absolute certainty that everyone can inspire others with their forgiveness,kindness, and authentic desire to connect. Each and every one of us can be an inspirational leader amongst our families and friends, and in the workplace and place of worship. Each and every one of us can be a “mini King,” and from this many, a few will rise to inspire us to even greater heights. Of this I am sure.’’



Jesmane Boggenpoel is an experienced business executive and former Head of Business Engagement at the World Economic Forum in Switzerland. She has served on the boards of various international organizations.

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OPINION: How the death of George Floyd should make South Africa ask: where is the next Nelson Mandela?

Students celebrated through the night as Oxford University decided to take down the statue of Cecil John Rhodes from its plinth at Oriel College – in all of this I am staggered that the debate about whether to exhume the old man’s bones has not cropped up.



Despite the respect in Africa for the dead, this was a hot debate more than 20 years ago and I reported on it for television. There were no hashtags in those days so the row was conducted in the newspapers and on the air. Remarkably, it fizzled out and even the late President Robert Mugabe – who was not always kind to colonisers – blocked the exhumation.



The grave lies in one of the most beautiful spots on earth high in the Matopos Hills above Bulawayo in Zimbabwe. I have marvelled at Christ the Redeemer in Rio de Janiero, the pyramids of the Sudan, Victoria Falls and the southern Alps of New Zealand; the spot in the Matopos is hauntingly beautiful; just to stand there and see for miles, with the wind rushing through your hair, is more like heaven than earth.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;



It was a place where Rhodes used to go and think and it is certainly a peaceful site for a grave if ever one existed.



“The peacefulness of it all: the chaotic grandeur of it: it creates a feeling of awe and brings home to one how very small we all are,” he once wrote.



Rhodes was buried there on April 10 1902. He had breathed his last in a beach house in Muizenberg, near Cape Town and a train took his body to Zimbabwe. In the final journey to the hills, twelve black oxen drew the coffin on a gun carriage. Thousands journeyed on carts, along spiralling roads, to pay respect. Chiefs from the land that Rhodes had taken in life respected him in death by saying “Bayethe”- the royal salute – yet, it is sobering to remember that the funeral was segregated – like everywhere else in colonial Africa at the time. &nbsp;



Anyone who wanted to dig Rhodes up would face a severe construction job; workmen carved out the grave, many metres down, in a shaft of sheer rock. The coffin is encased in lead. The get it out you would have to use heavy dynamite. It is as if Rhodes knew what was coming.



The other side of the story – oft quoted by young radicals – is that the spot is a spiritual site, called Malindidzimu. Therefore, by insisting on his burial there, the radicals felt strongly that Rhodes was trying to dominate Zimbabweans &#8211; even in death.



This was the argument ventured in the university halls and bars of Harare among the young Turks as the campaign gathered pace in 1998. It was led by the late Warlord Chakaredza who wanted to exhume the bones and throw them into the sea.



“He came from England to Zimbabwe by sea so he must go back the same way,” he told me eyes afire.



Yet the campaign was thwarted and Rhodes lies undisturbed in the rock to this day. Tourists pay money every year to go and see the grave, which means dollars trickle down to the people -somehow.



As for the statue of Rhodes ? I wish all of the world’s unwanted statutes of kings and colonialists and despots – whoever – could be melted down or sold to raise money for homes, food and education for people who need them. It is as simple as that. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;



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Students protest under the statue of Cecil Rhodes outside Oriel College in Oxford University

OPINION: If Rhodes must fall, should he also be dug up?

What we see in Africa is a remarkable paradox where the economic shock is outpacing the dreaded health crisis. The peak of Covid-19 infections has probably not yet been reached, yet recession and unemployment are very much present, resulting in serious consequences for the already hard-hit private sector. &nbsp;



The transmission chain of this economic contraction is actually quite simple. It starts with falling commodity prices- like oil, copper and rubber- and disruptions in supply chains heavily dependent on the Chinese and European markets.



The abrupt suspension of tourism and flying is also a huge hit for African economies. Health prevention measures and the automatic decline in the purchasing power of a large majority of consumers are naturally slowing the momentum of domestic markets. The informal sector, which accounts for an average of 80% of employment on can’t survive without daily business.



Without downplaying the strategic value of the health response and the funds allocated, the emergency is both economic and social, since mortality on the continent is so dependent on the growth curve. With demographic trends at less than 3%, Africa is creating poor people, yet the International Monetary Fund (IMF) forecasts economic growth of -1.6% in the sub-Saharan zone in 2020 and a drop in real per capita income of 3.9% on average. The African Union (AU) expects the loss of at least 20 million jobs.



This challenge puts the private sector in the frontline. It is being impacted today but it is the prerequisite for a recovery tomorrow, provided that it hasn&#8217;t collapsed by then. The battle for jobs and against poverty is therefore being fought on the corporate front.



All stakeholders have to be fully mobilised to tackle this unprecedented challenge. It&#8217;s not about helping the continent – a bygone notion – it is about investing and continuing to finance the changes that have been successfully undertaken since the early 2000s.



From this point of view, under the impetus of the African Union, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) and bilateral and multilateral donors, the macroeconomic policies undertaken in recent weeks to, first and foremost, restore budgetary room for manoeuvre to African States, are obviously moving in the right direction. Whether it is the debt moratorium, the massive provision of liquidity, or the use of Special Drawing Rights, everything must be put on the table, and quickly.



However, we also need to go deeper into the micro-economy to save SMEs and safeguard regional and continental champions. They are the stalwarts of African resilience. To achieve this, a two-pronged approach is needed to facilitate the flow of the promised funding to economic players, through targeted supply-side policies and innovative pooling of intervention tools.



One of the key priorities is to channel funding from international donors to the private sector through the rapid introduction of ad-hoc financing vehicles that can both identify the companies to support and manage these public funds efficiently and accountably. Institutional donors will have to rely on players in the field with strong operational capacity.



Given the urgency of the situation, conventional capital investment tools may not be the most appropriate due to the time required for due-diligence and other negotiations with shareholder groups with differing interests. It makes sense then to give preference to debt, quasi-equity and guarantee instruments to provide breathing space for companies with high potential in the medium and long term, but that are threatened in the short term by the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic. &nbsp;



The second priority concerns rapidly increasing bank liquidity levels and refinancing capacities to meet current requests for maturity extensions, as well as to prepare for the post-Covid recovery, which is going to need significant financing in order to be as reparative as possible. While States, Central Banks and donors are on the frontline in this respect, it goes without saying that managers and their shareholders must be fully involved.



For the first time in the history of humankind, all the engines of the global – and therefore African – economy are being hit by a pandemic. The response cannot be classical and orthodox. It must be strong, massive and inclusive. Only then will we be able to save jobs and avert the threat of a setback for Africa, which is at the epicentre of all the economic, social, demographic and climatic challenges of the 21st century.



Vincent le Guennou, Co-CEO of pan African investment fund Emerging Capital Partners (ECP)

Le Guennou, Vincent_2016©clement-racineux – copie

OPINION-COVID-19: Why African business must win the battle for jobs on the corporate front.

By Chris Bishop







The government will allow a number of industries employing half a million South Africans to open up from lockdown. 



The government decided to ease restrictions on sit down restuarants,casinos air B and B and cinemas and theatres to be aligned on the limitations on gathering of people and hairdressers ; non contact sports including cricket and others. 



&#8220;We have taken this decision with due care and seriousness,&#8221; says President Cyril Ramaphosa.



&#8220;So far COVID-19 has cost our nations the lives of 1674 people out of more than 80,000 people, says the president of South Africa.



A drug manufactured here and tested in the UN has found it has cut deaths by a third and helped the management of the disease.



&#8220;We have succeeded in slowing the rate of the spread of the virus,&#8221;says President Ramaphosa. &#8220;But the pandemic will remain with us for many more months: it is not a sprint, it is a marathon.&#8221;



&#8220;More than a third of all the cases have been recorded in the last two weeks alone.



The disease is getting closer and closer to us all.As the county opens up the risk of infection increases&#8230;.Through our behaviour we can reduce the chance of getting infected.



Wearing a cloth mask reduces the chance of getting the virus&#8230;There are some South Africans who have not taken up the wearing of masks and we advise them to do so.&#8221;

African Union reaffirms support for WHO amid COVID-19 pandemic

COVID-19: Why Cyril Ramaphosa has  eased lockdown so the nation can gamble play and eat together.

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The World Bank estimates that the economic crisis brought about by the Covid-19 pandemic and resulting lock-downs across the world could lead to a 19.7 per cent drop in remittances. Michael Kent, Founder and CEO of Azimo joins CNBC Africa for more.

SSA sees decline in remittances as COVID-19 bites

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A long standing drug called Dexamthasone &#8211; a cheap anti -inflammatory steroid &#8211; can save lives. Oxford University researchers say the drug could have saved 5,000 lives in Britain alone. It turns out that South Africa has had the drug all along. A version of it called Decasone is made by Aspen. It is a schedule four prescription drug that is injected to ease inflammation for ailments like arthritis. Aspen CEO, Stephen Saad spoke to CNBC Africa for more.

Aspen CEO on the availability of breakthrough coronavirus drug in South Africa

Nigeria’s headline inflation rises by 6 bps to 12.40% in May

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 Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed speaking during a press conference on general elections in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/yohannes-gedamu-432503">Yohannes Gedamu</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/georgia-gwinnett-college-2416">Georgia Gwinnett College</a>

It’s two years since a surprise leadership change took place in Ethiopia. Introducing himself with a <a href="https://borkena.com/2018/04/02/ten-points-abiy-ahmed-made-in-his-speech/">historic speech</a> to the nation, the new Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed preached democracy as the only future for the country of more than 110 million.

The initial reforms were breathtaking. So much so that imagining democracy became justifiable. But Abiy’s administration inherited an extraordinary set of problems. 

Apart from the challenge of democratising an authoritarian state, it had to deal with ethnic violence and conflicts. And massive internal displacement of citizens.

Two years later, the government seems to have controlled the issue of internally displaced people. Resettlement programs appear to have been mostly successful. 

And there’s been considerable progress in ensuring peace and stability. News of violence is now mostly confined to two areas where the Oromo Liberation Army operates.

Beyond domestic politics, the volatile Horn of Africa also posed major challenges to Abiy’s leadership. But Ethiopia’s former arch-rival, Eritrea, is no longer a regional adversary. 

In addition, Abiy played a major role in the Sudanese transition from chaos to some political promise. And the fact that he changed the loud silence between Somaliland and Somalia into potentially history-making meetings also deserves recognition.

But, looking back over this period, Abiy’s major achievement could be viewed as the dismantling of the 28-year-old Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front and the birth of a nationally unified political organisation, the Prosperity Party. This is not without its challenges too, however. 

These developments have reinvigorated opposition groups afresh. In particular, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, a regional political organisation that had major dominance over the old revolutionary front, has now emerged as a major political foe to Abiy’s Prosperity Party.

This poses a menace to Ethiopia’s path to reform. As a result, Ethiopia’s road to democracy and national elections, which were due to be held in August, is now facing two challenges: a global pandemic, and deteriorating relations between the Tigray regional state and the Prosperity Party, which is in charge of the federal government, and the remaining eight regions and two city administrations.

<h2>National elections</h2>

In its fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Ethiopia has so far done a promising job. But cases continue to grow – slowly but alarmingly. 

Abiy cited the pandemic as a reason to postpone the national elections. The current administration’s five-year tenure was set to expire come September 30, 2020. Debates on the legitimacy of the government after that date have dominated national discussions.

The government proposed a number of options. One was to dissolve parliament and declare a state of emergency. Another was to request a special constitutional interpretation of the challenge. Yet another was to extend the tenure of current incumbents. 

The opposition was consulted and the issues were discussed in parliament. The decision that was finally taken was to ask for a judicial review process to provide a constitutional interpretation. These are done through the Council of Constitutional Inquiry, which then submits its recommendations to the House of the Federation for discussions and a decision.

The House of the Federation is the upper house of Ethiopia’s bicameral legislative branch. Its legislative authority is limited to powers on budgetary allocations, powers to interpret the constitution, and to safeguard the federal constitutional framework. 

Based on House’s decision, the chamber postponed the national election. 

The decision was not received well by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. The regional parliament in Tigray has since defied the federal government’s decision, and announced it will hold its own elections. 

<h2>High stakes</h2>

This decision has wide-ranging implications. By holding an election without the supervision of the National Electoral Board, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front is undermining Ethiopia’s federal constitutional system.

Going it alone is a reflection of the front’s loss of power since the demise of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front coalition. This has weakened its resolve to maintain Ethiopia’s constitutional system.

The decision poses a threat to Ethiopia’s promising democracy. It has ignited an unprecedented level of tension between the Tigray region and the federal government. If this situation deteriorates further, the country’s fledgling democracy could regress. 

So far, Abiy’s administration has ignored the threat from the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front. This could lead to undesirable repercussions. 

The federal government’s reluctance to address the crisis in Tigray might lead to renewed violence. This could in turn harm government’s response to the public health crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. 

Finally, unless addressed, the deteriorating relations between the federal government and the Tigray region could further unravel Ethiopia’s dangerously designed federal system that in any case, is in need of major revision.

For democracy to take root in Ethiopia, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front’s defiance to the country’s constitutional order must resolved.<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/140750/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important" />

<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/yohannes-gedamu-432503">Yohannes Gedamu</a>, Lecturer of Political Science, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/georgia-gwinnett-college-2416">Georgia Gwinnett College</a>

This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/abiy-put-ethiopia-on-the-road-to-democracy-but-major-obstacles-still-stand-in-the-way-140750">original article</a>.

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